Category Archives: Social Issues

Podcast Episode: Our Rights Must Not Depend on Who Is in Power: A Call to Sierra Leoneans at Home

Pip: There is a phrase that sounds obvious until you realize how rarely it is honored: your rights should not depend on who is in power. Mama Salone Blog is making that case directly, and it is pointed at Sierra Leone right now.

Mara: Today we are looking at judicial independence, the detention of a lawyer mid-hearing, and what ordinary citizens can actually do when they believe due process has broken down.

Pip: Let's start with the case that set this off.

Our Rights Must Not Depend on Who Is in Power

Mara: The question this piece is asking is whether fundamental legal protections held in a specific, documented moment — and whether Sierra Leoneans at home and abroad have a role in pressing for an answer.

Pip: The facts as laid out are stark. On 8 October 2026, lawyer Joseph Fitzgerald Kamara was ordered into custody by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court while he was actively representing the opposition in constitutional proceedings.

Mara: The post frames it precisely: "This is not simply about JFK. It is about the rights of every Sierra Leonean. It is about the independence of our legal profession. And it is about the safeguards that must exist whenever judicial power is used to take away a person's liberty."

Pip: That framing matters. Detaining a lawyer mid-case is not a procedural footnote — it reaches the question of whether the courtroom itself remains a protected space for legal argument.

Mara: The post is careful to acknowledge that courts do have contempt powers. Nobody disputes that. The issue is whether the principles of fairness, impartiality, and proportionality were applied here.

Pip: And Sierra Leone has been bound by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights since 1996, so there is an existing international framework to measure this against — arbitrary detention and the right to a fair hearing before an impartial tribunal are not aspirational, they are treaty obligations.

Mara: The response proposed is civic and procedural. The author has formally written to UN Special Procedures — specifically the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers — and is inviting others to do the same, at urgent-action@ohchr.org.

Pip: The guidance on how to write is genuinely practical: use your own words, stick to facts you can source, keep it respectful. As the post puts it, credibility is the strongest tool available.

Mara: The closing line captures the whole argument in one sentence — judicial independence and judicial accountability are not opposites; they must go together.


Pip: Rights that only apply to the politically convenient are not rights at all.

Mara: And knowing the specific channel to raise your voice — that turns a principle into an action. More from Sierra Leone next time.

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Our Rights Must Not Depend on Who Is in Power: A Call to Sierra Leoneans at Home and Abroad

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Fatima Babih, EdD On 8 October 2026, lawyer Joseph Fitzgerald Kamara (JFK) was ordered into custody by Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Komba Kamanda, for contempt of court. It happened while he was representing the opposition in constitutional proceedings … Continue reading →

Podcast Episode: PART VI FINAL: WHO APPOINTED FATIMA BIO? THE VENICE DOCUMENTS SHOW A GOVERNMENT

Pip: MAMA SALONE ~ Lioness of the West Coast has been following a paper trail from Freetown to Venice, and the trail just delivered its final answer — which turns out to be a question the Sierra Leonean government still has not answered.

Mara: Mama Salone Blog's investigative series closes today with documents obtained directly from La Biennale under Italian transparency law — records that show who signed what, in what order, and under whose instruction.

Pip: Let's get into the appointment that may not have been an appointment at all.

Who Appointed the Commissioner — and Did She Appoint Herself?

Mara: The central tension of this final installment is procedural and constitutional at once: La Biennale's rules require a government minister to appoint the Commissioner, and the Commissioner must flow from that authority — not the other way around.

Pip: The released correspondence shows the first letter to La Biennale came not from any ministry but from Office of the President letterhead, signed by Tony Morgan, Head of Strategy and Communication at State House. His opening line sets the tone: "I am under instruction by the First Lady H.E Dr. Fatima Maada Bio."

Mara: So the pavilion team — Commissioner, Deputy, curators, general organizers — was proposed before any government decision appears in the record. La Biennale's president wrote back reminding Morgan that only a competent governmental authority could sign, and that deputy commissioners would not be accepted.

Pip: Then the Foreign Minister's letter arrived. A minister signing is exactly what the procedure requires. Except his first sentence reads: "I am acting under the instruction of Her Excellency Dr. Fatima Maada Bio."

Mara: The post lays out what that inversion means in practice. The authority that was supposed to appoint the Commissioner is shown taking direction from the person to be appointed. As the piece states plainly: "a process in which the appointee instructs the appointer is not an appointment. It is ratification."

Pip: And ratification of a decision nobody on paper seems to have made — no Cabinet resolution, no stand-alone appointment instrument, no budget appears in anything La Biennale released.

Mara: The minister's letter also tracks Morgan's earlier draft almost word for word, and the only copy recipient listed is the Chief of Staff of the Office of the First Lady. The Ministry of Tourism and Cultural Affairs, the body Part I of this series identified as built for exactly this work, does not sign, is not copied, and is not mentioned anywhere.

Pip: The later operational records are just as pointed. Paolo Mozzo submitted catalogue texts in January 2026 and told La Biennale in February that "we have chosen" the pavilion's press office. The press agent then described Mozzo to Biennale staff as "il responsabile del Padiglione Sierra Leone" — the person in charge. No ministry, no Commissioner appears in any of those exchanges.

Mara: The piece also flags a catalogue discrepancy worth noting: the English text says the pavilion is "Sponsored by ECOWAS," while the Italian says patrocinato — patronage. Sponsorship and patronage are legally different, and the post asks directly who selected the exhibiting artists and whether any gallery or exhibitor paid a fee, which the procedures prohibit.

Pip: The series closes by naming exactly which offices owe answers — Foreign Affairs, State House, Tourism, the Office of the First Lady — and urging Parliament, the press, and the Anti-Corruption Commission to put those questions in writing under Sierra Leone's Right to Access Information Act.

Mara: The final framing is unambiguous: "The plan came first. The government's signature came second." The pavilion carried the Republic's name. The Republic is owed an account.


Pip: Six parts, one question — and the documents answer it by showing what's missing where authority should be.

Mara: Accountability gaps at the level of a national pavilion tend to point toward larger questions about how public power moves in Sierra Leone. Those questions aren't going away.

Podcast Episode: The Human Cost of Koidu Limited Closure in Kono: The People Speak Out

Pip: Diamonds leave Kono in the ground, and something else gets left behind too — the people who dug for them.

Mara: This episode draws on reporting from Mama Salone Blog about what the Koidu Limited closure actually did to the workers, families, and community of Kono District — after the headlines moved on.

Pip: The headlines always move on. Let's start with the human cost that didn't.

The Human Cost of Koidu's Closure

Mara: The central question this piece asks is deceptively simple: what happened to the workers after the dispute ended and the cameras left? Not the political fallout — the daily reality in Kono Town for families who lost their primary income.

Pip: And the piece opens with a worker named Moses Mboma, who spent years in Koidu Limited's dewatering department. He doesn't romanticize the job, but he remembers what it provided. His words are direct: "There was peace in homes, regardless of how inadequate some of my colleagues thought our pay was."

Mara: That quote reframes the entire dispute. A worker can acknowledge imperfect pay and still desperately need the job. The piece makes that distinction carefully — workers had legitimate grievances about wages and working conditions, including Reuters reporting from May 2025 about an outdated exchange rate and inadequate access to clean water. But Mboma adds something harder to dismiss: "Politicians interfered, even though they didn't provide us with a job."

Pip: The politician in question is First Lady Fatima Bio, who joined the protest in March 2025, publicly criticized the company, and then — once the mine announced care-and-maintenance status and laid off over a thousand workers — largely moved on. The piece notes she has since built ten mansions in The Gambia. The workers are still in Kono.

Mara: The scale of what disappeared is worth stating plainly. More than a thousand jobs gone. The company reported over sixteen million dollars in losses and estimated twenty million would be needed to restart. But the piece puts it differently: "A salary is food. A salary is medicine. A salary is school fees."

Pip: And the ripple doesn't stop at the terminated employee. A community leader in the video explains it with what the piece calls devastating simplicity.

Mara: His words: "Someone who didn't need help for their child's school fees would now need your help for it." Engage Salone's September 2026 reporting corroborates that — contractors, market traders, landlords, informal suppliers all felt the collapse. One lost job can destabilize several households. Multiply that by a thousand.

Pip: Then there are the deaths. Mboma says between 36 and 38 former workers have died since the shutdown. Engage Salone puts the figure at more than 30, with former colleagues attributing some deaths to financial stress and inability to afford healthcare. The piece asks the right question: does the Sierra Leone government even know their names?

Mara: The piece also pushes back on a narrow reading of who was affected. Women worked at Koidu Limited as cooks and in administrative roles, and others earned livelihoods as contractors and suppliers. Gender activist Victoria Favour Pombo says women were deeply involved in the workers' struggle. Counting terminated employees alone, the piece argues, dramatically understates the damage.

Pip: The closing charge is direct — to government, to the First Lady, to everyone who exercised power in this crisis. Kono doesn't need another protest march. It needs paychecks, functioning dispute-resolution institutions, and answers.

Mara: And the piece ends where it begins — with that sentence from a former worker: "The government doesn't care about us." Whether or not you accept his conclusion, the pain behind it is the story Sierra Leone still hasn't fully reckoned with.


Pip: The diamonds are still underground. The question the piece leaves open is whether the people above them will finally be put back at the center.

Mara: That's the accountability gap worth watching — what comes next for Kono, and whether Sierra Leone builds the institutions to prevent this from happening again.

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The Human Cost of Koidu Limited Closure in Kono: The People Speak Out

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By Fatima Babih, EdD First Lady Fatima Bio moved on and even built ten mansions in her adopted country, The Gambia. The politicians also moved on, some to different ministries. The headlines faded. But in Kono District, especially Koidu Town, … Continue reading →

Podcast Episode: PART IV: Kevin Nyerere, The Business Connections and The Foreign Network Around

Pip: Sierra Leone's first-ever National Pavilion at the Venice Biennale — historic moment, art, culture, commerce, and apparently a Tanzanian businessman with a title that needs some unpacking.

Mara: Mama Salone Blog has been running a detailed investigative series on exactly that — who assembled the pavilion, under whose authority, and what relationships existed before Venice. Today we're following the money, the titles, and the network.

Pip: Let's start with Kevin Nyerere, Honorary President, and the trail that leads back well before anyone set foot in Venice.

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Kevin Nyerere and the Network Behind Sierra Leone's Venice Pavilion

Mara: The central tension here is one of authority and disclosure — a Tanzanian businessman holds a prominent title at Sierra Leone's national pavilion, and the public record does not explain how that appointment happened or who approved it.

Pip: The official La Biennale page lists the pavilion's leadership plainly, and the Sierra Leone Pavilion website goes a step further, describing him as "S.A.S. Prince Kevin Nyerere, Honorary President, AMAA / Business Associate."

Mara: That description raises immediate questions the post lays out directly: what is AMAA, what does "Business Associate" mean in this context, and what governmental authority, if any, approved that appointment?

Pip: And Nyerere's background matters here — Forbes Italia profiled him in 2020 as a business intermediary connecting European companies with African governments and investment opportunities, operating through Jasiri Ltd and Kevin Nyerere Holdings. That's not a curatorial resume.

Mara: The post is careful to note that nationality is not the issue. Foreign professionals can legitimately participate in national pavilions. The question is function and appointment — especially because Tony Morgan was simultaneously speaking about investors, commercial infrastructure, and logistics hubs.

Pip: So a pavilion framed partly around commerce has an Honorary President whose documented expertise is connecting European businesses to African markets. The roles rhyme a little too neatly for the appointment to go unexplained.

Mara: And then comes the discovery that reframes everything. In December 2024 — more than a year before Venice — AYV Media Empire reported on a water technology project in Zanzibar, describing it as "Dr. Tony Morgan's partnership with Kevin Nyerere Holdings."

Pip: Pre-existing business associates. That shifts the question from "who is Kevin Nyerere" to "how did a pre-existing business associate of Tony Morgan become Honorary President of Sierra Leone's National Pavilion."

Mara: The Zanzibar reporting added another layer: the initiative was explicitly linked to First Lady Fatima Bio's advocacy on water and sanitation. So by December 2024, the public record had already connected all three names — Morgan, Nyerere, and Bio — around a shared African development project.

Pip: The post is precise about what this does and doesn't establish. It's a documented chronology and a network of pre-existing relationships. The appointment process itself, and the institutional authority behind it, remain unanswered.

Mara: There's still the Italian curatorial and organizational infrastructure, the question of financing, and sixteen exhibiting artists — only four of them Sierra Leonean — all of which the series flags as the territory Part V will examine.

Pip: The network behind the pavilion runs deeper than three people — and the financial accountability questions are still open.

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Mara: Authority, disclosure, and pre-existing relationships — the investigation keeps returning to the same gap between the public presentation and the documented record.

Pip: Next stop, apparently, is Italy and the money. Which is either where the answers are or where the questions get more complicated.

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PART III: State House, Private Businesses and The Foreigners Behind Sierra Leone’s La Biennale Pavilion in Venice

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by Fatima Babih, EdD From British State House official Tony Morgan and Tanzanian Honorary President Kevin Nyerere to the Italian curators and organizers: Who was actually behind Sierra Leone’s historic National Pavilion? By the end of Part II, my investigation … Continue reading →

Podcast Episode: Sierra Leone’s Historic First Pavilion at the Venice Biennale: Who Appointed Fir

Pip: Sierra Leone just made its Venice Biennale debut — a genuine historic first — and Mama Salone Blog found out about it from a Facebook comment.

Mara: That's the entry point for today's episode. We're looking at questions of governmental authority, cultural representation, and what it means when the paper trail goes quiet.

Pip: Let's start with the pavilion itself, and the appointment that nobody seems able to explain.

Sierra Leone's First Venice Pavilion — and the Unanswered Question

Mara: The frame here is straightforward: Sierra Leone participated in the Venice Biennale for the very first time in 2026, and the official La Biennale record names First Lady Fatima Maada Bio as Commissioner. The question the investigation asks is simple — who put her there, and where is the document that says so?

Pip: The post sets up the stakes directly: "At the Venice Biennale, that title is not decorative. La Biennale's own procedures require that countries without permanent pavilions submit an official request to participate through the competent governmental authority. That authority then appoints a Commissioner, someone who represents the governmental side of the country's participation."

Mara: So the Commissioner is not a ceremonial title. It is a governmental one. Which means someone exercising the authority of the Republic of Sierra Leone had to formally make that appointment — and the investigation cannot find the instrument, the announcement, or the paper trail.

Pip: And it is not for lack of looking. The post goes through the questions methodically: which authority submitted the request, who signed it, who appointed her, was it the President himself, was it the Ministry. None of those questions have public answers.

Mara: The post also scrutinizes the official La Biennale description of Fatima Bio as "a leading cultural figure committed to promoting Sierra Leonean artists internationally" — and notes that a review of her publicly documented history before 2026 finds no record of running a visual-arts institution, directing a gallery, curating a major exhibition, or administering government cultural policy.

Pip: Which raises the obvious follow-on: who wrote that description, and on what basis did it go to Venice representing Sierra Leone to the world?

Mara: The post is careful to say it is not alleging that no authorization exists. The point is that neither the author nor any ordinary citizen can find it — and that absence is itself the problem.

Pip: Meanwhile, Sierra Leone already has a Ministry of Tourism and Cultural Affairs, with a sitting Minister, Mrs. Nabeela Tunis, whose portfolio is literally culture and the creative industries — in a year the government itself declared the Year of Culture and Creativity.

Mara: The Guinea comparison makes the contrast concrete. Guinea also made its first-ever Venice Biennale debut at the same exhibition. Its Commissioner is Bilia Bah, publicly identified by Guinea's own Ministry of Culture as Director General of Cultural and Creative Industries. The Ministry announced the debut, named the artists, and stated his role plainly.

Pip: Same Biennale, same historic first, same region. One country put its cultural director in the Commissioner's chair. The other put the First Lady there, and filed no public explanation.

Mara: The post is equally deliberate about the four Sierra Leonean artists in the pavilion — Hawa-Jane Bangura, Ayesha Feisal, Hickmatu Bintu Leigh, and Abu Bakarr Mansaray — insisting they be named and celebrated on their own terms. Their credentials are substantial and predate this pavilion entirely.

Pip: The post flags this is Part One of a continuing investigation — Part Two traces the pattern further and examines the non-Sierra Leonean men involved in organizing the pavilion and their prior business relationships.

Mara: The accountability questions here don't resolve at the pavilion's closing date. November 22 ends the exhibition. The questions about who authorized it stay open well past that.


Pip: A country's first appearance on one of the world's oldest cultural stages — and the loudest question coming out of it is about a paper trail.

Mara: That tension between historic achievement and unanswered institutional questions is exactly what the next part of this investigation is going to have to sit with.

Podcast Episode: Fatima Bio’s Dangerous Irony: The “Champion of Girls’ Education” Forces Schoolgi

Pip: Mama Salone Blog has a knack for finding the exact moment when a symbol collapses under the weight of what it was supposed to mean — and this week, that moment arrived at an airport, on a red carpet, with hundreds of schoolgirls standing in the sun.

Mara: The episode covers one central collision: girls' education as political performance, and what it costs the girls themselves when advocacy becomes spectacle. Let's start with the homecoming that documented its own contradiction.

Fatima Bio's Homecoming and the Girls Left Out of School

Pip: The post sets up a specific irony — a First Lady returns from the UN General Assembly, where she championed a resolution on girls' education, and the welcome she arranges requires schoolgirls to miss school to attend it. The question the piece is asking is whether that contradiction is accidental or structural.

Mara: The author frames it precisely: "on the day those girls held those signs, they were not learning. They were not dreaming. They were not leading. They were standing in the sun, missing their education, serving as human scenery for Fatima Bio's political performance."

Pip: That sentence does the work. Sierra Leone already has one of the highest rates of female illiteracy in West Africa, and the research the piece cites is direct — irregular attendance predicts dropout, and dropout predicts early marriage. The very harm she claims to fight at the UN is the harm her event reinforces.

Mara: The piece is careful about the scale. The photographs distributed by the Office of the First Lady itself show hundreds of uniformed students from multiple schools, which means this was coordinated. Someone contacted those schools. Someone gave instructions. The office that stamped its seal on those photographs is the same office that organized the mobilization.

Pip: And the posters those girls were holding? Every single one featured Fatima Bio's face — not the lawyer who drafted the resolution, not the parliamentarian behind Sierra Leone's Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, not the anti-FGM activists she has publicly called scammers. Just her image, her name, her campaign branding.

Mara: The piece connects this to a documented pattern. The author references the book "The Unbecoming Mrs. Maada Bio of Sierra Leone," describing what she calls First Lady Syndrome — a relentless construction of international image that bears no relationship to domestic impact. The gap, she argues, is not incidental. It is deliberate.

Pip: Which is the part that makes this more than a bad optics story. If dropout is a predictor of early marriage, and early marriage is what she flew to New York to oppose, then pulling girls out of school for a campaign photo is not ironic. It is directly counterproductive.

Mara: The closing argument the piece makes is that this is not hypothetical harm. Every missed day compounds. And the girls holding those posters had no way to know they were being used to circulate a narrative that erases the actual people who did the work.

Pip: The performance has a body count — that's the phrase the piece uses. It's not subtle, but it earns it.

Mara: The accountability the author calls for lands on parents, teachers, administrators, and civil society — the people positioned to name what happened and refuse to let it be filed under celebration.


Pip: The through-line here is the gap between the platform and the practice — and who pays for it when those two things don't meet.

Mara: When the symbol and the reality diverge this visibly, the documentation matters. Those photographs came from the Office of the First Lady. That's the record.

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First Lady Syndrome on Full Display: Deconstructing Fatima Bio’s Meltdown After Cambridge University Rejected Her Participation

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by Fatima Babih, EdD When Women’s Rights Becomes One Woman’s Rights: Fatima Bio’s speech about Cambridge University’s cancellation of her speaking engagement became a revealing portrait of arrogance, victimhood, deflection, political intimidation, and the personalization of public accountability. Fatima Jabbie … Continue reading →